kidus desta

Climate Change and the Pursuit of Growth

By Kidus Desta

Since beginning his first term in January 2021, liberals have routinely heralded Joe Biden as America’s first climate president. Yet Biden’s policy record shows that he is thoroughly undeserving of that title. Take, for example, the president’s recent approval of the Willow Project.

Centered in the remote tundra on Alaska’s northern coast, the new drilling venture’s scope is appalling. It includes 200 oil wells connected by multiple pipelines. Experts estimate that the Willow Project will, by itself, generate total emissions equivalent to the entire country of Belgium within 30 years. And Belgium — for the record — is far from green, ranking within the bottom septile of the Sustainable Development Index.

More recently, Biden decided to auction off over “73 million acres of waters in the Gulf of Mexico” for oil and gas drilling. For comparison, the country of Italy is about 74 million acres. Estimates state that this would lead to emissions of about “21.2 million metric tons of carbon dioxide.” That is more than the entire nation of Bolivia.

Biden approved the auction in partial fulfillment of a deal party leadership made with Senator Joe Manchin (D-WV). To secure Manchin’s vote for the Inflation Reduction Act, Democrats inserted “requirements for new oil and gas leases” into the bill. They also added a stipulation preventing Interior Secretary Deb Haaland from “issuing a lease for offshore wind” until the oil and gas sale goes through.

The administration has failed to deliver on campaign promises of tackling climate change as it continues leading initiatives that will worsen this global emergency. And their concessions to conservatives like Manchin were unnecessary. Rather than forming a deal with the opposition on the uncompromisable issue of climate change, the Democrats could have instead pressured more conservative Democrats through acts such as removing them from committees. Instead, Manchin continues to serve as Chair of the Senate Energy Committee without any repercussions. The Democratic Party continues to immediately concede on many issues rather than applying pressure to the opposition which results in nothing positive ever getting done.

The Biden administration’s actions with respect to the climate have thus been extremely reckless in the midst of an unprecedented ecological crisis. On March 21st, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change released yet another stark warning about just how bad things have gotten. Their report found that we are on track to surpass the dreaded 1.5-degree tipping point by the early 2030s. With this, we can expect “climate disasters… so extreme that people will not be able to adapt.”

“Basic components of the Earth system will be fundamentally, irrevocably altered,” the Panel’s scientists continued. “Heat waves, famines and infectious diseases could claim millions of additional lives by the century’s end.”

Despite this, Biden seems committed to accelerating humanity’s race toward the precipice of climate doom. In that crucial respect, the Democratic president bears stunning resemblance to his Republican opponents. When it comes to climate change, perhaps Democrats and Republicans are not so different after all.

The rhetorical strategies of each party tend to obscure this reality. Whereas Democrats often gesture toward ecological justice, Republicans just deny climate change — and, therefore, the need to address it — altogether. But, ultimately, both parties are united in their commitment to worsen — or, at the very least, not improve — the situation.

This is obviously bad news, since preventing total environmental destruction will take an extraordinary policy response. New research in The Lancet states that ensuring a climate-safe future and decent living standards for all would require massive reductions in global inequality. Crucially, the global Gini coefficient might need to fall below those of even the most egalitarian European nations.

This becomes a problem when accounting for the innate characteristics of capitalism. Because the economic system inherently prioritizes capital and profit over human needs. Anthropologist Jason Hickel writes eloquently on this topic in his book Less is More.

He describes the “self-reinforcing cycle” that turns profit into capital in pursuit of endless growth. To recoup their investments, corporations must continue to grow. This leads them to “scour the globe” for any sign of potential growth. 

Without growth, businesses will fail as they lose their investments and are consequently outcompeted by other firms. Even companies in a dominant market position cannot afford to just maintain. As Hickel explains, capital that sits “loses value” due to factors such as inflation and depreciation. These “pressures of growth” are so strong that corporations will disregard long-run environmental consequences, even if they’ll prove personally injurious. Capitalism demands that endless growth and accumulation be the top priorities.

But how does this drive lead to environmental devastation? To grow and enrich themselves, corporations must produce. This often requires the “extraction of fossil fuel,” the “razing of forests and draining of wetlands,” and so on.

These acts contribute to the destruction of the environment through climate change, soil depletion, and the creation of ocean dead zones lacking the oxygen to support biodiversity. The United Nations even estimates that the extraction capital demands is “responsible for 80% of total biodiversity loss.” While this may seem counterintuitive due to billionaires living on the same planet, the drive towards growth is a logical outcome within a capitalist framework. 

Given the moment’s growing urgency, we must recognize the failures of our current systems. It has exacerbated the climate issues we face. In the United States, it is clear that both the Democratic and Republican parties have prioritized capital over the well-being of the planet and the people who inhabit it. Global capitalism also does the same. To provide a better world for future generations, radical and systemic changes are needed to create a system that holds humanity and our planet as the priority.  


Kidus Desta is a Hampton Institute intern and undergraduate studying political science and economics at Virginia Commonwealth University.

The Peru Protests and U.S. Infiltration of the Left

Pictured: Supporters of Pedro Castillo, the ousted president of Peru, protest in front of police in downtown Lima on Friday, Dec. 16, 2022. (Marco Garro/The New York Times)

By Kidus Desta

Peru has made international news in the past few months after thousands of citizens — many being indigenous and traveling from rural regions — began protesting in the capital city of Lima. Their main demand is the resignation of President Dina Boluarte, who stepped into power after former president Pedro Castillo was ousted from office and imprisoned. Castillo’s removal and imprisonment was the result of his attempt to dissolve the right-wing Congress.

Boluarte has said she will not step down until the next election. This sparked controversy since the next election is not until April 2024 and many see Boluarte as an unfit representative who betrayed Castillo, her party, and the Peruvian people. In addition to Boluarte’s resignation, many protesters are demanding Castillo’s release and changes to the nation’s constitution, which they say grants Congress too much power over the executive branch.

This concern is partly why Castillo ran on creating a new constitution as president. But fulfilling that campaign promise would require the formation of a constituent assembly, which Congress blocked. Some protesters therefore see the need to dissolve Congress so that the process of drafting a new foundational document can commence.

Peru’s current constitution was created under the far-right regime of Alberto Fujimori and is deeply informed by his capitalist politics. The constitution, for example, made it harder to tax gold and copper mines. Some hope that a constituent assembly will pave the way for a new constitutional framework that expands the state’s role in the economy and allows for more taxation on mining to fund social programs that indigenous and rural communities need. 

These communities have long felt disenfranchised. Despite comprising 26% of Peru’s population, indigenous Peruvians — the rural voices of the Andes — hold just 6.92% of federal congressional seats. Hailing from the Peruvian countryside, where he formerly worked as a schoolteacher, Castillo understood the grievances of rural and indigenous Peruvians and tried to address them as president. Boluarte and her government have gone in the opposite direction, ignoring calls to convene a constituent assembly by these marginalized groups who desire a constitution that works for them.

The Boluarte administration’s approach to governance has incited widespread outrage, with 71% of Peruvians disapproving of the president’s job performance. This sentiment — along with disapproval of Congress, which sits at 88% — lays at the heart of the current protest wave. In response, the Boluarte regime has used police repression as a means to retain power. This state violence has killed at least 53 people with the youngest being just 15 years old.

Despite the reprehensible actions of their government, the Peruvian people are firmly on the side of the protesters. According to the Institute of Peruvian Studies, 60% believe the protests are justified. An identical number agree with the central demand to free Castillo and a whopping 69% want a constituent assembly. Meanwhile, only 12% believe in keeping the constitution as is — down from 19% in June 2022. 

During the protests, conservative groups have come together to counter-protest. These counter-protests have been met with skepticism because of their initial backing by the national police, who promoted the “March For Peace” on social media and asked people to attend. Attendees included conservative politicians like far-right congressman Alejandro Muñante as well as retired military and police.

Due to the United States’ history of meddling in Latin America, many are questioning whether the superpower has a hand in the recent events in Peru. Peru — after all — has abundant natural resources including minerals like copper, lead, zinc, tin, silver, and gold. Copper has become an especially important resource in recent years due to its use in energy technology, with Goldman Sachs calling it the “new oil.”

Under Castillo’s presidency, the exploitative nature of neoliberalism was challenged by his demand that these resources benefit the people of Peru. Castillo believed that Peru’s resource endowment could help fund social programs that materially improve people’s lives. But efforts to undermine this vision may have been well underway even before Castillo left office. The day before he was ousted, Lisa Kenna — US ambassador to Peru and veteran of the CIA — met with Peru’s defense minister, “who then told the country’s powerful military to turn against Castillo.” On January 18th, Kenna held a meeting with mining and energy ministers from the Boluarte regime to discuss “investments” — a euphemism for expanding the extractive reach of Western multinationals.

In a stunning betrayal of values, Boluarte has gone from leading an anti-imperialist, anti-neoliberal party to overseeing a regime which serves imperialist and neoliberal interests. Such a betrayal has precedent in Latin America. In 2016, President Dilma Rousseff of Brazil was impeached and replaced by her vice president Michel Temer. Temer's vision of a pro-business economy contradicted Rouseff’s plans to bolster social programs.

During a conference at the Americas Society/Council of the Americas, in a speech addressed to “members of multinational corporations and the U.S. foreign policy establishment,” Temer admitted that this impeachment occurred so that he may be installed as president to cut social programs and privatize industry. This squares with Temer’s history as a US informant and aspiring challenger to Lula in Brazil’s 2006 presidential race.

As with Temer, Boluarte’s turn against her own party is primarily an act of opportunism. By siding with the far-right Congress and its imperialist allies, Boluarte has increased the odds of retaining her position of power. This unholy trinity shows how capitalist powers like the United States can undermine leftist movements in the Global South from within.

Kidus Desta is a Hampton Institute intern and undergraduate studying political science and economics at Virginia Commonwealth University.