ben hillier

What would be different about a socialist economy?

By Ben Hillier

Republished from Red Flag.

The New York Stock Exchange is perhaps the premier institutional expression of the capitalist economy. It’s hard to conjure an image of American capitalism without including the Wall Street sign at the corner of Broad, or the stone streetscape of the exchange with its US flags, or the bronze “charging bull” statue at Bowling Green. 

Wall Street is for some a wondrous emblem of American exceptionalism. For most of us, it is a picture of moral desolation and criminality. Indeed, since it became the centre of US finance in the nineteenth century, Wall Street has repeatedly been the target of protests by workers who recognise it as a place where their enemies organise to rip them off and destroy their lives. 

So when you think “socialism”, you might, not unreasonably, conjure images of the storming and burning of stock exchanges everywhere. Yet a socialist economy would likely retain the machinery of Wall Street, albeit for refashioned ends. To understand why, and how a socialist economy might work, it’s important first to grasp just how remarkable the capitalist economy is. No human society before it has come close to developing the science, technologies and industrial capacities that we now take for granted.

Take the production of one of the most important things for human survival: food. Prior to capitalism, economies were primarily agrarian, the continued existence of any given population being almost entirely dependent on seasonal crop yields. Survival was a year-by-year proposition, famine just one flood, one drought, one failed harvest away. “A bad year such as 1817 could, even in tranquil Switzerland, produce an actual excess of deaths over births”, the late historian Eric Hobsbawm noted in his 1962 book The Age of Revolution

Today, thanks to capitalism, scarcity is a thing of the past. The amount of food available to an individual in France, for example, is estimated to be more than double what it was prior to the revolution of 1789, even though the population has more than doubled, from 28 million to 68 million. Across the world, the volume has increased by nearly 50 percent in the last 60 years, from fewer than 2,200 calories per person per day to more than 2,900, according to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization. The recommended daily caloric intake being between 2,000 and 2,500 per day suggests that there is more than enough food available for everyone on the planet.

There’s an obvious problem, though, isn’t there? All around the world, billions of people are going hungry. At the extreme end, the humanitarian organisation Action Against Hunger estimates that more than 800 million people are undernourished. Even in the richest of countries, there’s an issue. In Australia, for example, more than one in six adults and more than 1 million children routinely miss meals, according to Foodbank, a charity.

This minor detail—more than enough being produced but billions of people struggling—is replicated in almost all areas: housing, incomes, health care, education etc. The problem is that, while capitalism excels in producing masses of things, it fails dismally in distributing them in any equitable way. 

“The workman is the source of all wealth”, an article in the Lancashire Co-operator noted of nineteenth century England. “Who has raised all the food? The half fed and impoverished labourer. Who built all the houses and warehouses, and palaces, which are possessed by the rich, who never labour or produce anything? The workman. Who spins all the yarn and makes all the cloth? The spinner and weaver ... [Yet] the labourer remains poor and destitute, while those who do not work are rich.”

Things haven’t changed much from those early years of capitalism. According to the financial group Credit Suisse, the richest 1 percent of adults on the planet together own nearly A$300 trillion in personal wealth—which is about 46 percent of the world’s total personal wealth. But the poorest 55 percent, close to 3 billion people, have just 1.3 percent of the wealth—on average less than A$2,000 per person.

It’s not just that the distribution of personal wealth is unequal, it’s that the productive infrastructure—the factories, the mines, the office blocks, the arable land, the telecommunications systems, the transport networks and so on—is owned and controlled by the rich and used to enrich them further.

One of the first goals of a socialist economy would be to put all of these important economic resources under the collective ownership and control of workers. By doing so, the majority of the population would gain the ability to decide what the priorities of production and distribution should be.

This brings us back to those stock exchanges. Every day, the Australian Securities Exchange in Sydney executes nearly 2 million trades. The system is remarkably efficient in pairing buyers and sellers of a diverse array of financial instruments. By and large, this is just wealthy people making themselves wealthier by buying and selling claims to the ownership of companies and other things. They, or their brokers, simply get online, look at what’s available to purchase, and trade away. 

In a socialist economy, this sort of technology, instead of being used to link capitalist traders around the world, could be used to link every workplace and every suburb in a city, every city in a country, and every country in the world. Instead of endlessly trading claims to ownership of different companies, the trades would be simple declarations of needs and availabilities. That is, any given region would let the system know how much it had produced of certain goods and how much of certain other goods its population needed for the week (or the day, whatever the case may be). The system would then balance out all the claims and society would immediately know where there were excesses and where there were shortages and alter production accordingly.

It sounds so simple as to be utterly utopian. But this is basically the way the world works already. Take the extensive global supply chains linking farms with ports with food manufacturers with warehouses with supermarkets—everything is coordinated down to the last kilogram between buyers and sellers. When it comes to this sort of distribution, capitalism is in general incredibly efficient. 

So as you read this, somewhere a supermarket line manager is scanning a series of barcodes and entering a corresponding quantity of units for each item; tomorrow a truck will turn up with several pallets of whatever it was that they ordered. It’s as simple as that. If you went back in time 200 years and tried to explain this to someone, they would likely consider you utterly mad. Yet here we all are, living in a world in which a stranger in a truck turns up with a mountain of goods after someone points a laser gun at a series of black lines on a small piece of paper. Marvelous. 

The process today is overseen by the small number of owners of the production and distribution chains who allow their workers to make orders and process deliveries only if they believe their company will make money. That’s the limit to the capitalist economy and its efficiency. But there’s no technical reason that this operation couldn’t be run instead to meet human need. The whole process is already carried out by workers—from producing the food to driving the trucks to stacking the shelves in the shops. All that would need to happen is for production and distribution to be put under the democratic control of the people who do all the work. 

Under capitalism, bosses like Jeff Bezos reap the rewards of their impoverished, exploited workers, then turn around and say, “I want to go to space”—and it happens. Under socialism, working people would reap the rewards of their own labor and communities would turn around and say, “We need a hospital”—and it would happen. It’s not materially or technically different; it’s just a different set of priorities and beneficiaries.

Along with its inability to distribute things equitably, capitalism generates a huge amount of waste. First is the mountain of things that are thrown out because they aren’t sold. Again take food. According to the United Nations Environment Programme, nearly half of all fruit and vegetables produced globally are wasted. In the United States, it’s about 30 percent of all food. Of that, up to a third of wastage happens at the farm and one-quarter at the retail level. It’s actually extra work to keep people starving—food producers and sellers have to put extra time into organizing to dump or remove unsold produce, rather than simply allow it to be distributed, in the usual way, to those who need it. Plus they wasted all the labor producing it in the first place only to see it rot. It was also a massive waste of soil nutrients and precious water resources. 

Second is the huge amount of planned obsolescence in capitalist production: many things are designed to fall apart or with short lifespans so that people come back and buy them over and over again. Industrial-scale planned obsolescence reportedly originated in the early twentieth century with the Phoebus Cartel in light globe manufacturing, which decided to limit the lifespan of bulbs to around 1,000 hours. The idea is now embedded in pretty much every industry. It’s such a waste of labor and resources, but it’s the production model that makes companies the most money. In many cases, it is cheaper to drive wages lower and just produce more and more new things than it is to create durable or serviceable products. (Did you know that some 24 billion pairs of shoes are sold every year?) 

Third is the monumental waste of entire industries and the labor associated with them: things like the legal profession or sales and marketing. One estimate of the cost to end global hunger (using existing capitalist economic means) is about US$33 billion per year over ten years. Compare that to the investment in marketing: US consulting and research firm Forrester predicts that it will reach US$4.7 trillion in 2025. That’s trillions of dollars and millions of labour hours, every year, outlaid by companies trying to convince us to buy their products, which will soon fall apart, rather than their competitors’ products, which are generally the same and also fall apart.

It’s madness.

A socialist economy would get rid of most of this waste almost overnight by starting with simple questions that the whole population can respond to: “First, what do we all need? Second, what do we want? Third, how many resources do we have? Fourth, what are our priorities?” A huge amount of office space, factory space, fertile land, machinery and, above all, labour time, would be freed up by starting with those questions, rather than the capitalists’ questions (“How do I make people want to buy this product, how can I generate a profit?”). 

Think of all the millions of hours of wasted labour that could otherwise be used to increase the production of things in short supply, or to reduce the working week by either producing things to last (therefore reducing the need to produce so much) or by bringing in a greater number of workers into productive industries and reducing everyone’s working hours, while still providing for everyone’s needs

Finally, a socialist economy would be more rational. Defenders of capitalism always talk about how innovative their system is. As noted above, it is. But again, this has serious limitations. Take the ongoing economic addiction to oil, coal and gas. How innovative is it, really, to be wedded to energy sources from the nineteenth century? The problem again is profits: the huge companies already invested in and determined to squeeze every cent out of the fossil fuel economy just won’t let go. A socialist economy, being run by the majority in the interests of all, simply would not allow our planet to be trashed so that a few of us could live better than the rest.

Getting to a socialist economy will not be simple—we need a workers’ revolution to get past capitalism. But once we are there, it will be quite easy using existing technologies and processes to run the world according to the maxim, “From each according to their ability, to each according to their need”. The poet Bertolt Brecht put it best in his poem “In praise of communism”:

It is reasonable. You can grasp it. It’s simple.

You’re no exploiter, so you’ll understand.

It is good for you. Look into it.

Stupid men call it stupid, and the dirty call it dirty.

It is against dirt and against stupidity.

The exploiters call it a crime.

But we know:

It is the end of all crime.

It is not madness but

The end of madness.

It is not chaos,

But order.

It is the simple thing

That’s hard to do.

Ben Hillier is the author of Losing Santhia: life and loss in Tamil Eelam and The art of rebellion: dispatches from Hong Kong.

Coronavirus: A Potential Disaster of Capitalism's Making

By Ben Hillier

Republished from Red Flag.

What to do if confronted with an extremely contagious virus that medical experts say they have not seen before and don’t understand, and which is fast spreading and killing hundreds of people? a) Take precautionary measures to stop the virus spreading and prepare the health system for a potential shock? Or b) Ignore it, blithely assert – without any evidence – that it is little different from the common flu, accuse your adversaries, who are taking it more seriously, of scaremongering for political gain and then, when a pandemic is imminent and doctors still can’t say exactly how bad the virus is, tell everyone that everything’s under control despite little to nothing having been done to prepare for a local outbreak?

If you are the current president of the United States, it’s been choice “b”. Aside from temporarily denying entry to foreign nationals who visited China prior to their arrival, any talk about the US facing a problem was, in Donald Trump’s mind, a Democratic Party and fake news media conspiracy to undermine his presidency and bring down the stock market. He was backed, of course, by right wing media whose main concern is to overhype the threat of immigration and combat threats to the president rather than threats to national health. For a period, Trump’s position was also echoed by writers in outlets normally critical of the White House. An early February Washington Post headline read: “Get a grippe, America. The flu is a much bigger threat than coronavirus, for now”. “Don’t Worry About the Coronavirus. Worry About the Flu”, offered BuzzFeed a few days earlier.

From the beginning, medical experts were clear that they simply did not know how bad or otherwise the virus was, yet many non-experts seemed to have an opinion. “Why so many journalists must act like propagandists rather than independent thinkers is a question for another time”, Vanity Fair contributor T.A. Frank aptly wrote in a mid-February response, before noting that the mortality rate is believed to be about 20 times that of the flu – about the same as Spanish flu, which killed tens of millions in 1918-20. And, as Frank also noted, unlike the flu, the rate of critical cases is high enough to overwhelm emergency departments.

When the pressure to take action became too great, Trump appointed vice president Mike Pence to oversee the US response, which tells us a lot about the seriousness with which the outbreak was being taken. Pence is known for a certain “anti-alarmism” when it comes to public health crises. When running for Congress in 2000, he wrote such credible lines as: “Despite the hysteria from the political class and the media, smoking doesn’t kill” and “Global warming is a myth ... CO2 is a naturally occurring phenomenon in nature”. As governor of Indiana from 2013 to 2017, he oversaw an HIV epidemic linked to needle sharing among opioid addicts, having cut funding for the last HIV tester in the county where the epidemic exploded, and having resisted calls for needle exchanges. “Sadly, this outbreak was preventable, given all that we know about HIV and its links to opioid addiction, yet adequate treatment resources and public health safeguards were not in place”, the National Institute on Drug Abuse wrote at the time.

The same thing could have been written about the coronavirus, which is reaching pandemic proportions. Adequate treatment resources and public health safeguards were issues in Wuhan, China, where the outbreak began, and will be issues in many places as the virus spreads. According to several witness accounts, and the evaluation of medical observers, the initial response from those in power in China was denial, which led to a failure to prepare an adequate health system response. Authorities in Wuhan were too concerned about an upcoming political conference and celebration to allow doctors’ warnings to spoil the party (sounds eerily like Trump). After several weeks, when the epidemic became too big to ignore, denial was replaced by panic. The largest quarantining experiment in human history followed, but the health system was unprepared and totally swamped. Who knows how different the course of the outbreak would have been if, in those first crucial weeks after the virus was discovered, authorities had acted decisively to contain the outbreak and prepare the medical system?  

The ruling Communist Party imposed a massive lockdown on hundreds of millions of people to stop the contagion. Those in Hubei have suffered enormously for the authorities’ botched response. The World Health Organization’s Bruce Aylward, who led an international mission to China, told Science magazine that the aggressive containment bought time for other provinces to prepare and prevented “probably hundreds of thousands” of cases across the country. Yet, instead of doing all it could to avoid a repeat of Wuhan by using the time to prepare the US health system, the White House was thinking of the economic opportunities China’s crisis was offering. Commerce secretary Wilbur Ross said the outbreak “will help to accelerate the return of jobs to North America”, while the president’s trade adviser Peter Navarro said that there would be no tariff relief even if the Chinese economy began to tank because of the epidemic. Reportedly, officials have been leaning on US companies with operations in China to repatriate them to the US as part of Trump’s “America First” nationalist project.

By the end of February, the virus had breached all of China’s internal containment lines, and the US and most of the world seem ill-prepared. The US opened quarantine sites at Travis Air Force Base and March Air Reserve Base in California for US citizens returning from China. But a whistleblower filed a complaint alleging that protocols were lax and staff were put at risk. “I soon began to field panicked calls from my leadership team and deployed staff members expressing concerns with the lack of ... communication and coordination, staff being sent into quarantined areas without personal protective equipment, training or experience in managing public health emergencies, safety protocols and the potential danger to both themselves and members of the public they come into contact with”, the whistleblower wrote. Soon after, the New York Times reported on the first US case in a patient with “no known contact with hot zones or other coronavirus patients” emerging near Travis Air Force Base.

Jason Schwartz, an assistant professor at Yale School of Public Health, recently told the Atlantic’s James Hamblin that authorities should have been preparing since the SARS outbreak of 2003. “Had we not set the SARS-vaccine-research program aside, we would have had a lot more of this foundational work that we could apply to this new, closely related virus”, he said. A vaccine is at least 12 months away, underlining the point Hamblin, also a lecturer at Yale School of Public Health, went on to make: “Long term government investments matter because creating vaccines, antiviral medications, and other vital tools requires decades of serious investment, even when demand is low. Market-based economies often struggle to develop a product for which there is no immediate demand and to distribute products to the places they’re needed”.

The US health system is the embodiment of market-based capitalist logic: for-profit, user-pays and dominated by the pharmaceutical and private insurance industries. It is the only major developed economy without guaranteed paid sick leave and universal health care. That makes it probably the most ill equipped of all countries in the developed world to deal with an outbreak. How on Earth are infected people to self-isolate for 14 days if they live paycheck to paycheck without leave entitlements? How are they supposed to be diagnosed if they have to pay more than $3,000 to be tested – which is what happened to a Florida man who returned from China in February, according to the Miami Herald. How will an epidemic be contained if half the people infected can’t afford medicines or hospital care?

That’s the question facing the US. As Western governments defund public health systems, give subsidies to the private health sector to move to user- and insurer-pays systems, and attack workers’ rights and conditions of employment, it’s increasingly a question facing even those countries with good public health records, which are likely to be relatively unscathed by this coronavirus. It doesn’t bear thinking about the carnage that could unfold in countries with worse health systems than China if they too are faced with an epidemic. With more than 3,000 people dead, many countries are instituting or extending containment measures.

“At some point the expectation that any area will escape effects of COVID-19 must be abandoned”, Hamblin concluded. “The disease must be seen as everyone’s problem.” Yet it’s reasonable to assume that those with economic resources – multi-millionaires, executives at insurance and pharmaceutical companies, politicians – won’t see it quite that way if the pandemic is particularly vicious. More likely it will be poor and working class people shunted into inadequate, hastily constructed mass quarantines away from the better care of private clinics catering to the wealthy.

And working class people will face stark choices that those with money will not: the choice between poverty and risking infection. Casualisation and short term contract work – precariousness – are a feature of a large section of the workforce in every country. Those people already go to work with the flu and other illnesses every year because they can’t afford not to. Often, they live in apartment blocks or shared accommodation. They don’t have the money to pay for other family members to ship out to a hotel for a week or two if one of them gets sick. By contrast, those with resources have greater flexibility to take time off work. They have the means to sustain themselves in isolation and hire people to do chores for them. They live in large houses rather than cramped apartments, so are naturally more quarantined from human contact when needs be.

Like every other recent health crisis, there is nothing about the coronavirus pandemic that will likely change many establishment minds about the need for workers and the poor to have more rights and more resources – universal and free health care, a month of paid sick leave every year and so on – let alone a world run to satisfy human needs rather than expand the egos of political leaders or the bank accounts of health industry executives.